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                                                                             CHAPTER 7
                                         Learning, work and later life in the UK: guidance needs of an ageing workforce  137





                 and in quality assurance roles, where pressures of the job can be less severe,
                 and personal expertise and status is recognised, but managerial progression
                 ladders are not blocked (McNair and Flynn, 2005).
                   Employers seem to agree that the skills base is broadly adequate. The 2009
                 national employer skills survey (UKCES, 2010) found that only 7% of firms
                 had skills gaps (where current staff are underqualified), which may well
                 represent a natural level, since with normal staff turnover, a proportion of
                 employees will always be new and learning the job. Further, only 3% report
                 skills shortages where they are unable to recruit qualified people. Significantly,
                 two of the sectors with the highest proportion of skills gaps and shortages
                 (retail, and health and social care), are also sectors with a high proportion of
                 older workers, which suggests that the market does respond when employer
                 needs and employee aspirations coincide.
                   The contrast could hardly be more stark than between these views of
                 employees and employers on one hand, and government, which has been
                 arguing for decades that the country has a major skills problem, and needs
                 much more training (DIUS, 2007). There are several possible explanations for
                 this disagreement. One is that, despite good intentions of senior managers,
                 there is a ʻconspiracy to underperformʼ between line managers and older
                 workers. Organising and paying for training requires extra work by busy
                 managers, and may be uncomfortable for workers who have not trained for
                 years. Both may feel that suboptimal productivity is a price worth paying for a
                 quiet life. However, their tacit agreement to opt for an easier life increases the
                 risk for the individual, should they later be made redundant.
                   However, the most likely explanation, especially in relation to older workers,
                 is perceptions of time and risk. Government necessarily takes a longer-term
                 view of skills needs and the economy than individual employers, whose
                 business planning is often relatively short term. For older employees, the
                 timescale is even shorter. The two groups who continue to learn share a sense
                 of an ongoing future: those in high training occupations and sectors, who are
                 likely to work longer, and lifelong learners who have always enjoyed learning,
                 and would continue beyond retirement.
                   The rest of older workers divide into two groups. For the insiders, who have
                 found a reasonably secure place in the labour market, the question is ʻcan I
                 last until retirement without the extra effort of training?ʼ There are two reasons
                 why their answer may be wrong. First, they may underestimate the time to
                 retirement, or the length of retirement (most people underestimate their life
                 expectancy (Turner, 2009)). It is becoming easier to work longer, and some
                 will find they need the money. Second, they may underestimate the risk of
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